The syntax and semantics of Gã future markers

This paper explores the syntax and semantics of two grammatical markers of future time in Gã (Niger–Congo, Kwa)–bàá- and àá-. The coexistence of àá- and bàá- over a long period, coupled with their overlapping roles, has led to some inconsistency in their analysis. I show that in modern Gã, bàá- is the most prevalent future marker, with àá- existing much less prominently alongside it. Data from natural speech and elicitation reveal that both markers have modal functions in addition to the temporal function. bàá- can also be used aspectually to mark habits. Due largely to the overwhelming frequency of the temporal function in the discourse data, I maintain that the primary function of bàá- is as a future tense marker. It is therefore not purely a modal. àá- has all but fallen out of use and has a more modal than temporal function. This study uncovers previously unreported non-temporal uses of bàá- and underscores the crucial role played by frequency in the determination of category function.